A liberal vision of government: all would be free to do anything not evidently harmful to fellow-citizens.
Also, France would be not just a kingdom, but a nation, where ultimate sovereignty belonged to the people.
But the revolution did not end in August of 1789, nor did it establish this vision as the clear basis for French society. The revolution continued for years and became more confused and violent as it went.
Reasons
This chaotic situation did not emerge immediately. From mid-1789 to the end of 1790, the process of reform proceeded rather calmly.
One indication that revolutionary fervor still existed and might break out unpredictably: the "October Days" in 1789, when hungry women and members of the revolutionary National Guard (created in July of 1789) marched from Paris to Versailles and brought the royal family and the National Assembly back to the city. The marchers were sure that this would assure that grain -- which was only slowly flowing into the city -- would get their faster if the government was back in Paris.
Some observers saw this as a rather frightening outburst by the "mob" -- ordinary urbanites.
The harvest was good though, and eventually the city calmed down.
The Reforms and Constitution enacted by the National Assembly
One example: The abolition of old provinces and their replacement by departments. The old local communities (with their "antiquated" privileges and traditions) were replaced by 44,000 standardized communes (municipalities) organized into 83 departments -- meant to be standardized subdivisions of a united nation. A modernization that was never undone.
Elements of the constitution (a moderate document):
Nonetheless the Revolution enjoyed a good deal of support.
Two issues threatened the calm
Eventually the land sale accomplished a massive re-distribution of agricultural land, with some benefit to the peasantry.
Finances were not the only factor. The church was seen by many as an intolerant and backward institution, the recipient of the worst "privileges" (wealth and power unjustified by public service). The National Assembly wanted to tame the church.
NA decreed that clergy should from now on be elected by the people and swear an oath of loyalty to the state.
As the NA was doing this, some provincial revolutionaries were already attacking not just the influence but the rituals of their local churches.
This sparked the first widespread opposition to the revolution. In some parts of France (esp. Paris and region) the church had little influence. In other areas, it was still very important: for some peasants, the parish church and the parish graveyard were the centers of local life. The encouragement of local self-government by the new regime made the local clergy in some places even more influential. This issue raised the first suspicions in the provinces against Parisian leadership of the revolution.
Also, the king, who had reluctantly gone along with the revolution, and was given an influential role by the new constitution, came down on the side of tradition. The pope eventually forebade French clergy to swear the "constitutional oath" and a fair number of clergy obeyed him. Louis showed his sympathy for them, and earned the suspicion of the National Assembly.
Eventually (June 1791) Louis and his family fled Paris in an attempt to reach Austrian territory (controlled by Marie-Antoinette's family). They were caught and brought back. National Assembly first suspended him from office, then reinstated him.
When the National Assembly (meant to be a constitutional convention) finally dispersed and gave way to the first elected Legislative Assembly (a normal, law-making parliamentary body), in October of 1791, the new constitutional arrangements (which required cooperation between the king and the assembly) were under a cloud.
In Paris especially, many ordinary people had been radicalized by the events of 1789, and moreso by the flight of the king.
People in Paris had many venues for active political debate:
The progressive line was now turning against the monarchy.
After July 1791, an anti-monarchist minority took control of the Jacobins, and began agitating for a Republic. Robespierre, a provincial lawyer, a former member of the National Assembly, became increasing prominent in it.
Anti-monarchical feeling and other types of radicalism was encouraged by the growing foreign and counter-revoutionary threat.
This threat was real, and in April of 1792, the king agreed to allow his ministers (largely members by now of the Jacobins) to declare war on Austria in Prussia. The king was hoping the government would lose, and the revolutionaries would fall; the ministers (a group called the Girondins ) hoped a victory would strengthen the revolutionary government.
The declaration of war led to a crisis atmosphere in the capital. People lost confidence in the paper money, leading to inflation and hunger. The shortage of food was blamed on hoarders and counter-revolutionaries. The court was under suspicion of treason.
Unofficial forces took the political initiative.
In June, an attack on the palace of the Tuileries (where the royal family lived and the Legislative Assembly met), during which a mob threatened the king.
In July, after defeats at the front, radical members of the Parisian sectional assemblies seized control of the Paris Commune (city government). The radicals hoped to use the commune and the local militia to pressure the Legislative Assembly.
In August, the revolutionary commune attacked the Tuileries, and slaughtered the Swiss Guards. The king and his family escaped to the meeting place of the Legislative Assembly, which, seeing how the wind was blowing, voted to dissolve itself and call an election for a National [constitutional] Convention.
The business of this Convention would be to write a republican constitution for France.
This was the second, and far more contentious French Revolution.
Outside of Paris, where food was available and people were more conservative, there was shock at the humiliation of the king and his deposition. Also there was dismay that Parisian mobs should use force against the elected Assembly.
Many liberals deserted the cause.
From this point on, the appeal to force, extraordinary measures, even terror, would become easier and easier.
George Rudé The Crowd in the French Revolution
R.B. Rose, The Making of the Sans-culottes: Democratic ideals and institutions in Paris, 1789-92
Simon Schama, Citizens
Francois Furet and Mona Ozouf, eds., A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution
Early Modern History Course Home Page.
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